Text (2018)
Archie Moore (Kamilaroi)

Installation (selected Hansard parliamentary records, pyrographed referendum record, table)

Text (2018) is located in the embassy’s conference room alongside Megan Cope’s (Quandamooka) The Blaktism (2014). Text presents parliamentary records from Australia’s inception in 1901 through to the infamous maiden speech of anti-immigration politician Pauline Hanson, emphasising politicians’ repeated rhetorical use of the phrase ‘swamped by…’ (‘…Asians’; ‘…the Aboriginal vote’; ‘…Communists etc.). Such rhetoric draws attention to enduring continuities in racist paranoias by no means restricted to the ‘fifth continent’.

Photos: Joanna Kosowska
Images courtesy of the artist and The Commercial Gallery, Sydney.
 
Archie Moore (Kamilaroi. Born 1970, Toowoomba, lives Brisbane) works across media in portrayals of self and national histories. His ongoing interests include key signifiers of identity – skin, language, smell, home, flags – as well as the borders of intercultural understanding and misunderstanding, including the wider concerns of racism. Uncertainty is an ongoing theme pertaining to his paternal Kamilaroi heritage. Moore completed his Bachelor of Visual Arts at Queensland University of Technology in 1998. In 2001, he was awarded the Millennial Anne & Gordon Samstag International Visual Arts Scholarship which enabled him to study at the Academy of Fine Arts in Prague. He has held regular solo exhibitions of his work for two decades in university, not-for-profit and commercial galleries across Australia, as well as being invited to present a solo show in Japan and a two-person show in the UK. He has been commissioned for the 3rd National Indigenous Art Triennale and the 20th Biennale of Sydney. Archie Moore is represented by The Commercial Gallery, Sydney.

Peter Monteath, ‘The German Democratic Republic and Australia’ in Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe, 16, No. 2, (2008): 213-235, see also: Boris Schedvin, Emissaries of Trade: A history of the Australian trade commissioner service (Canberra: WHH Publishing, 2008), 279-280.
Paul Daley, “Revealed: how Australian spies filmed Indigenous activists during the cold war” in The Guardian, February 13, 2018: hier.
Peter Monteath & Valerie Munt, Red Professor: The Cold War Life of Fred Rose, (South Australia: Wakefield Press, 2015), 275
Andrew Wright Hurley, “No Fixed Address, but currently in East Berlin: The Australian bicentennial, Indigenous protest and the Festival of Political Song 1988” in Perfect Beat 15, Iss. 2 (2015): 129-148.
Tobias Krätzer, Botschaften und Konsulaten in Berlin: Eine stadtpolitische Analyse, (Berlin: Berlin Verlag, 1998), 132.
Peter Monteath, ‘The German Democratic Republic and Australia’ in Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe, 16, No. 2, (2008): 213-235, siehe auch: Boris Schedvin, Emissaries of Trade: A history of the Australian trade commissioner service (Canberra: WHH Publishing, 2008), 279-280.
Paul Daley, “Revealed: how Australian spies filmed Indigenous activists during the cold war” in The Guardian, 13. Februar, 2018. Artikel online aufrufbar hier.
Peter Monteath & Valerie Munt, Red Professor: The Cold War Life of Fred Rose, (South Australia: Wakefield Press, 2015), 275
Andrew Wright Hurley, “No Fixed Address, but currently in East Berlin: The Australian bicentennial, Indigenous protest and the Festival of Political Song 1988” in Perfect Beat 15, Iss. 2 (2015): 129-148.
Tobias Krätzer, Botschaften und Konsulaten in Berlin: Eine stadtpolitische Analyse, (Berlin: Berlin Verlag, 1998), 132.
The Socialist Unity Party of Germany was the governing political party of the GDR (German Democratic Republic).
Led by architect Horst Bauer, who also designed Berlin’s iconic Café Moskau.
Tobias Doll, Elisabeth Eulitz, Karla Schäffner. Berlin-Pankow: Sozialistische Botschaftsbauten Städtebauliche Dokumentation – Freiraumplanung – Typenbauten. (Master paper, Heritage Studies, Technische Universität Berlin, 2012-13).
One key architect involved in the urban planning of Marzahn, Wolf-Rüdiger Eisentraut, was in 1996 to renovate the embassy itself when it was transformed, briefly, into a medical laboratory.
A 1970 Neues Deutschland article compared Australia to ‘neo-colonialist’ South Africa, citing its ambitions towards regional dominance, its racist ‘White Australia’ policy and ‘arch-reactionary’ denigration of Aboriginal people. See: Walter Kocher, “Der folgsame Vetter des Uncle Sam”, Neues Deutschland, 12.7.1970, 6.
The site was rented from the GDR by Australia, however operations were prematurely closed down in 1986. Held by the public hand for a time, the site subsequently hosted a kindergarten, the Deutsche Industrie- und Handelsbank AG, and the medical laboratory ‘bioscientia Institut für Laboruntersuchungen Ingelheim GmbH’, before being privatised by the BImA) (Institute for Federal Real Estate) to investor Lars Dittrich. At this point, it hosted the now-insolvent media start-up tape.tv, before being being resold to real estate developer Prexxot GmbH, who sublets it to the artist studio complex Atelierhaus Australische Botschaft Ost. Separate to the Ex-Embassy exhibition, at the time of writing, artists in the studio house are currently attempting to extract the building from the speculative real estate bubble, looking towards collective ownership formats.
Doreen Massey, For Space (London: SAGE Publications, 2005), 70-71.
Romaine Moreton, “Authentic Aborigine, White Phantasy” in Courting Blakness: Recalibrating Knowledge in the Sandstone University, Fiona Foley, Louise Martin-Chew & Fiona Jean Nicoll (eds) (St Lucia:University of Queensland Press, 2015), 174-183.
Die Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands war die regierende politische Partei der DDR (Deutsche Demokratische Republik).
Geleitet von dem Architekt Horst Bauer, der auch Berlins ikonisches Café Moskau entwarf.
Tobias Doll, Elisabeth Eulitz, Karla Schäffner. Berlin-Pankow: Sozialistische Botschaftsbauten Städtebauliche Dokumentation – Freiraumplanung – Typenbauten. (Masterarbeit im Masterstudium Denkmalpflege der Technischen Universität Berlin, 2012-13).
Wolf-Rüdiger Eisentraut, einer der leitenden Architekten, der z.B. in die Stadtplanung Marzahns involviert war, war 1996 mit der Renovierung der Botschaft beschäftigt, als diese kurzzeitig in ein medizinisches Labor umgestaltet wurde.
Ein Artikel der Zeitlung Neues Deutschland von 1970 vergleicht Australien mit dem ‘neo-kolonialistischen’ Südafrika und bezeichnet dabei Australiens Ambitionen in Bezug auf eine regionale Vorherrschaft als rassistische ‘White Australia’-Politik und rückschrittliche Denunzierung der indigenen Bevölkerung. See: Walter Kocher, “Der folgsame Vetter des Uncle Sam”, Neues Deutschland, 12.7.1970, 6.
Australien pachtete das Grundstück von der DDR, allerdings wurde der Betrieb frühzeitig in 1986 eingestellt. Für einige Zeit öffentlich betrieben, wurde das Gelände kurzeitig von einem Kindergarten genutzt, darauffolgend von der Deutschen Industrie- und Handelsbank und dem medizinischem Labor bioscientia Institut für Laboruntersuchungen Ingelheim GmbH, um anschließend durch die BImA (Bundesanstalt für Immobilienaufgaben) privatisiert zu werden. Der Komplex fiel an Investor Lars Dittrich und beherbergte das mittlerweile ins Insolvenz gegangene Media Start-Up tape.tv, wurde dann an die Bauträgerfirma Prexxot GmbH weiterverkauft und ist jetzt das Atelierhaus Australische Botschaft (Ost), eine Ateliergemeinschaft für Künstler, welche momentan den Versuch wagen, das Gebäude dem spekulativen Immobilienmarkt zu entziehen und sich mit Formaten des kollektiven Besitzes beschäftigen.
Doreen Massey, For Space (London: SAGE Publications, 2005), 70-71.
Romaine Moreton, “Authentic Aborigine, White Phantasy” in Courting Blakness: Recalibrating Knowledge in the Sandstone University, Fiona Foley, Louise Martin-Chew & Fiona Jean Nicoll (eds) (St Lucia:University of Queensland Press, 2015), 174-183.
Romaine Moreton, “Authentic Aborigine, White Phantasy” in Courting Blakness: Recalibrating Knowledge in the Sandstone University, Fiona Foley, Louise Martin-Chew & Fiona Jean Nicoll (eds) (St Lucia:University of Queensland Press, 2015), 174-183.
Frederic Jameson, ‘The Aesthetics of Singularity,’ New Left Review, no. 92 (2015): 130.
This definition of neoliberalism draws on William Davies, The Limits of Neoliberalism: Authority, Sovereignty and the Logic of Competition (London: Sage, 2014). I have written about this at more length and with full references elsewhere: Ben Gook, ‘Backdating German Neoliberalism: Ordoliberalism, the German Model and Economic Experiments in Eastern Germany after 1989,’ Journal of Sociology 54, no. 1 (2018).
Arbeitsgruppe Alternative Wirtschaftspolitik, Deutsche Zweiheit—Oder: Wie viel Unterschied verträgt die Einheit? Bilanz der Vereinigungspolitik (St Katharinen: PapyRossa, 2010).
www.bild.de/politik/wirtschaft/griechenland-krise/regierung-athen-sparen-verkauft-inseln-pleite-akropolis-11692338.bild.html
Gil Eyal, Iván Szelényi, and Eleanor R. Townsley, Making Capitalism without Capitalists: Class Formation and Elite Struggles in Post-Communist Central Europe (London: Verso, 1998).
Gareth Dale, The East German Revolution of 1989 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006); First the Transition, Then the Crash: Eastern Europe in the 2000s (London: Pluto Press, 2011).
Der Paritätische Gesamtverband, Menschenwürde ist Menschenrecht: Bericht Zum Armutsentwicklung in Deutschland 2017 (Berlin: Der Paritätische Gesamtverband, 2017).
Brigitte Young, Triumph of the Fatherland: German Unification and the Marginalization of Women (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1999).
Jonathan Olsen, ‘The Left Party and the AfD: Populist Competitors in Eastern Germany,’ German Politics and Society 36, no. 1 (2018).
On disenchantment, see Davies. On German’s ongoing division, see Ben Gook, Divided Subjects, Invisible Borders: Re-Unified Germany after 1989 (London: Rowman & Littlefield International, 2015). On divided Germany’s reckoning with Nazism and the GDR’s founding fantasies, see Julia Hell, Post-Fascist Fantasies: Psychoanalysis, History, and the Literature of East Germany (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997).
Frederic Jameson, ‘The Aesthetics of Singularity,’ New Left Review, no. 92 (2015): 130.
Diese Definition von Neoliberalismus bezieht sich auf William Davies, The Limits of Neoliberalism: Authority, Sovereignty and the Logic of Competition (London: Sage, 2014). Siehe auch: Ben Gook, ‘Backdating German Neoliberalism: Ordoliberalism, the German Model and Economic Experiments in Eastern Germany after 1989,’ Journal of Sociology 54, no. 1 (2018).
‘Workfare’: Sozialhilfeleistungen werden nur im Austausch zu Arbeitsleistung gezahlt.
Arbeitsgruppe Alternative Wirtschaftspolitik, Deutsche Zweiheit—Oder: Wie viel Unterschied verträgt die Einheit? Bilanz der Vereinigungspolitik (St Katharinen: PapyRossa, 2010).
www.bild.de/politik/wirtschaft/griechenland-krise/regierung-athen-sparen-verkauft-inseln-pleite-akropolis-11692338.bild.html
Gil Eyal, Iván Szelényi, and Eleanor R. Townsley, Making Capitalism without Capitalists: Class Formation and Elite Struggles in Post-Communist Central Europe (London: Verso, 1998).
Gareth Dale, The East German Revolution of 1989 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006); First the Transition, Then the Crash: Eastern Europe in the 2000s (London: Pluto Press, 2011).
Der Paritätische Gesamtverband, Menschenwürde ist Menschenrecht: Bericht Zum Armutsentwicklung in Deutschland 2017 (Berlin: Der Paritätische Gesamtverband, 2017).
Brigitte Young, Triumph of the Fatherland: German Unification and the Marginalization of Women (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1999).
Jonathan Olsen, ‘The Left Party and the AfD: Populist Competitors in Eastern Germany,’ German Politics and Society 36, no. 1 (2018).
Über Politikverdrossenheit, siehe Davies. Über die weitere Teilung Deutschlands, siehe Ben Gook, Divided Subjects, Invisible Borders: Re-Unified Germany after 1989 (London: Rowman & Littlefield International, 2015). Über das geteilte Deutschland, Nazismus und die Gründungsfantasien der DDR, siehe Julia Hell, Post-Fascist Fantasies: Psychoanalysis, History, and the Literature of East Germany (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997).
Morris Cohen and C.B. Macpherson, “Property and Sovereignty,” in Property: Mainstream and Critical Perspectives (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978).
Kevin Gray, “Property in Thin Air,” in Cambridge Law Journal, 50 (1991), 252–307.
Kevin Gray, The Legal Order of the Queue, 2007.
James E. Penner, The Idea of Property in Law (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997); Cohen and C.B. Macpherson.
Nicholas Blomley, “Law, Property, and the Geography of Violence: The Frontier, the Survey and the Grid,” in Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 93 (2003), 121–141.
Cohen and C.B. Macpherson.
Cheryl Harris, “Whiteness as Property,” Harvard Law Review, 106 (8) (1993), 1721.
Aileen Moreton-Robinson, The White Possessive: Property, Power and Indigenous Sovereignty (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2015).
Cheryl Harris, “Whiteness as Property,” Harvard Law Review, 106 (8) (1993)
Davina Cooper, Governing Out of Order: Space, Law and the Politics of Belonging (London and New York: Rivers Oram Press, 1998).
Emily Grabham, “‘Flagging’ the Skin: Corporeal Nationalism and the Properties of Belonging,” in Body & Society, 15 (2009), 63–82.
Davina Cooper, Governing Out of Order: Space, Law and the Politics of Belonging (London and New York: Rivers Oram Press, 1998), 629.
Ibid, 636.
Aileen Moreton-Robinson, “Imagining the Good Indigenous Citizen,” in Cultural Studies Review, 15 (2), (2009), 61-80.
Here, there is a need to need to point towards — while refusing to appropriate — narratives of Aboriginal resistance to the settler state. A few key dates: In 1972, Aboriginal activists established the Aboriginal Tent Embassy on the lawns of Parliament House, the seat of government in Canberra, which carved out a physical, social and political space of belonging in the Australian capital until today, subverting the version of Australia that parliamentarians wish to portray to diplomatic visitors, and in constant struggle with the colonial state. In 1973 the White Australia policy, which had effectively barred non-European immigrants from moving to Australia, was disbanded with a series of legal amendments prohibiting racial discrimination from being formally included in immigration law. In 1976, following a ten-year strike by the Gurindji people, led by Vincent Lingiari, the Aboriginal Land Rights Act (Northern Territory) became the first ever Australian law to ‘grant’ land rights to Aboriginal people. The lie of terra nullius remained part of Australian common law until it was overturned in Mabo v The State of Queensland in 1992; a later Labor government reneged on the promise of federal land rights, creating a post-Mabo legislative framework for ‘native title,’ as a weaker and more limited set of rights. See Andrew Schaap, Gary Foley and Edwina Howell, The Aboriginal Tent Embassy: Sovereignty, Black Power, Land Rights and the State (Routledge 2013).
Doreen Massey, “Power-geometry and a Progressive Sense of Place,” in Tim Putnam, Lisa Tickner, Jon Bird Barry Curtis (Eds.), Mapping the Futures: Local Cultures, Global Change (London: Routledge, 1993).
Sarah Keenan, Subversive Property: Law and the Production of Spaces of Belonging (London: Routledge, 2015).
Glen Coulthard, Red Skin White Masks: Rejecting the Colonial Politics of Recognition (Minneapolis: University of Minessota Press, 2014).
Ibid
Matthis Berndt, Britta Grell, Andreas Holm et al, The Berlin Reader, (Berlin: transcript, 2013), 14-15.
Dallas Rogers, The geopolitics of real estate: reconfiguring property, capital and rights (London: Rowman and Littlefield, 2016).
Sabrina Apicella et al, “In the eye of the storm. Urban Transformations in Berlin: Realities of Crisis and Perspectives for Social Struggles”, in Teaching the Crisis (Group research project, Summer school program, 2013). See also http://teachingthecrisis.net/in-the-eye-of-the-storm-urban-transformations-in-berlin-realities-of-crisis-and-perspectives-for-social-struggles/
Morris Cohen and C.B. Macpherson, “Property and Sovereignty,” in Property: Mainstream and Critical Perspectives (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978).
Kevin Gray, “Property in Thin Air,” in Cambridge Law Journal, 50 (1991), 252–307.
Kevin Gray, The Legal Order of the Queue, 2007.
James E. Penner, The Idea of Property in Law (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997); Cohen and C.B. Macpherson.
Nicholas Blomley, “Law, Property, and the Geography of Violence: The Frontier, the Survey and the Grid,” in Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 93 (2003), 121–141.
Cohen and C.B. Macpherson.
Cheryl Harris, “Whiteness as Property,” Harvard Law Review, 106 (8) (1993), 1721.
Aileen Moreton-Robinson, The White Possessive: Property, Power and Indigenous Sovereignty (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2015).
Cheryl Harris, “Whiteness as Property,” Harvard Law Review, 106 (8Davina Cooper argumentiert, dass Eigentum entweder als Besitz oder als Mitgliedschaft funktionieren kann, da beide in ihrem Kern auf Zugehörigkeit basieren. Zugehörigkeit kann Besitz von Eigentum, Angehörigkeit zu einer Gemeinschaft, Verbindung zu einem Ort und/oder eine Handlungsweise oder eine Identität beschreiben, die zu einem “passt” oder bei der man sich „zu Hause“ fühlt. Davina Cooper, Governing Out of Order: Space, Law and the Politics of Belonging (London and New York: Rivers Oram Press, 1998).
Emily Grabham, “‘Flagging’ the Skin: Corporeal Nationalism and the Properties of Belonging,” in Body & Society, 15 (2009), 63–82.
Davina Cooper, Governing Out of Order: Space, Law and the Politics of Belonging (London and New York: Rivers Oram Press, 1998), 629.
Ibid, 636.
Aileen Moreton-Robinson, “Imagining the Good Indigenous Citizen,” in Cultural Studies Review, 15 (2), (2009), 61-80.
Hier ist es notwendig auf Erzählungen – ohne sich diese anzueignen – über den Widerstand der Aborigines gegen den Siedlerstaat hinzuweisen. Ein paar wichtige Daten: Im Jahr 1972 gründeten Aborigine-Aktivist*innen die Aboriginal Tent Embassy (Zelt-Botschaft) auf dem Rasen des Parliament House, dem Regierungssitz in Canberra, die bis heute einen physischen, sozialen und politischen Raum der Zugehörigkeit in der australischen Hauptstadt im ständigen Kampf mit dem Kolonialstaat geschaffen hat, um die Version Australiens, die die Parlamentarier den diplomatischen Besuchern zeigen wollen, zu untergraben. Im Jahr 1973 wurde die “White Australia Policy”, die nicht-europäische Einwanderer effektiv daran gehindert hatte nach Australien zu ziehen, mit einer Reihe von Gesetzesänderungen aufgelöst, die die formelle Einbeziehung von Rassendiskriminierung in das Einwanderungsgesetz verbieten. Nach einem zehnjährigen Streik der Gurindji unter der Führung von Vincent Lingiari, wurde 1976 der Aboriginal Land Rights Act (Northern Territory) das erste australische Gesetz, das den Aborigines Landrechte “gewährte”. Die Lüge von terra nullius blieb Teil des australischen Gewohnheitsrecht bis sie 1992 in Mabo v The State of Queensland aufgehoben wurde; eine spätere Labor-Regierung brach das Versprechen der Bundeslandrechte und schuf einen post-Mabo-Rechtsrahmen für den „Native Title“ (eine Rechtsauslegung, die anerkennt, dass Aborigines in manchen Fällen ein legales Anrecht an kolonialisiertem Land haben) als eine schwächere und beschränktere Reihe von Rechten. Siehe Andrew Schaap, Gary Foley and Edwina Howell, The Aboriginal Tent Embassy: Sovereignty, Black Power, Land Rights and the State (Routledge 2013).
Doreen Massey, “Power-geometry and a Progressive Sense of Place,” in Tim Putnam, Lisa Tickner, Jon Bird Barry Curtis (Eds.), Mapping the Futures: Local Cultures, Global Change (London: Routledge, 1993).
Sarah Keenan, Subversive Property: Law and the Production of Spaces of Belonging (London: Routledge, 2015).
Glen Coulthard, Red Skin White Masks: Rejecting the Colonial Politics of Recognition (Minneapolis: University of Minessota Press, 2014).
Ibid
Matthis Berndt, Britta Grell, Andreas Holm et al, The Berlin Reader, (Berlin: transcript, 2013), 14-15.
Dallas Rogers, The geopolitics of real estate: reconfiguring property, capital and rights (London: Rowman and Littlefield, 2016).
Sabrina Apicella et al, “In the eye of the storm. Urban Transformations in Berlin: Realities of Crisis and Perspectives for Social Struggles”, in Teaching the Crisis (Group research project, Summer school program, 2013). See also http://teachingthecrisis.net/in-the-eye-of-the-storm-urban-transformations-in-berlin-realities-of-crisis-and-perspectives-for-social-struggles/
Der Begriff ‘Mob’ bezeichnet eine Gruppe von Menschen. Im Gegensatz zu der allgemeinen Verwendung im Englischen hat ‘Mob’ für die Aborigines keinen abwertenden Unterton, sondern bezeichnet eine Gruppe starker Zusammengehörigkeit: “Mein Mob, meine Leute, meine erweiterte Familie”. Mob wird auch oft benutzt, um eine Sprachgruppe zu bezeichnen. Quelle: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Australisches_Aboriginal-Englisch, https://www.creativespirits.info/aboriginalculture/language/aboriginal-words-in-australian-english
‘Country’, im Englisch der Aborigines Bezeichnung für das Land einer Person, Meer, Himmel, Flüsse, Orte, Jahreszeiten, Pflanzen und Tiere; Ort des Erbes, der Zugehörigkeit und der Spiritualität. Siehe auch: https://australianmuseum.net.au/glossary-indigenous-australia-terms.)
Aborigines bezeichnen traditionellerweise ihre Stammesältesten als ‘Tanten’ (Aunty) oder ‘Onkel’ (Uncle). Siehe auch: http://www.indigenousteaching.com/glossary-terms
‘German Democratic Republic’, NAA: A1838/272 30/1/3 Part 3, German Democratic Republic – Relations with Australia, 318.
‘German Democratic Republic’, NAA: A1838/272 30/1/3 Part 3, German Democratic Republic – Relations with Australia, 316.
Monteath & Munt, Red Professor, 275.
‘German Democratic Republic’, NAA: A1838/272 30/1/3 Part 3, German Democratic Republic – Relations with Australia, 318.
‘German Democratic Republic’, NAA: A1838/272 30/1/3 Part 3, German Democratic Republic – Relations with Australia, 316.
Monteath & Munt, Red Professor, 275.
Informing this framing is Denise Ferreira da Silva, “The Global Matrix and the Predicament of ‘Postmodernisms’: An Introduction to the Critique of Kulturkampf,” Seton Hall Law Review, 35, Iss. 4 (2006): 1281-1298.
For the story of nuclearity in Africa see Gabrielle Hecht, Being Nuclear: Africans and the Global Uranium Trade (Massachusetts: MIT Press, 2012).
See Adam Broinowski, ‘Nuclear Power and Oil Capital in the Long Twentieth Century’, in Materialism and the Critique of Energy, eds. Brent Ryan Bellamy and Jeff Diamanti (Chicago: MCM Publishing, 2018), 197-242.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1975_Australian_constitutional_crisis#Alleged_CIA_involvement
Ibid.
Elizabeth A. Povinelli, The Cunning of Recognition: Indigenous Alterities and the Making of Australian Multiculturalism (Durham, N.C.: Duke: University Press, 2002).
The Ex-Embassy exhibition is using here the GDR’s territorial description of the land mass of Australia.
See Michael Pusey, Economic Rationalism in Canberra: A Nation Building State Changes Its Mind (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).
John Maynard notes Tom Lacey, Fred Maynard, Sid Ridgeway among Aboriginal men who evidently mixed with the CPA. See his text “‘In the interests of our people’: the influence of Garveyism on the rise of Australian Aboriginal political activism,” Aboriginal History, Vol. 29 (2005), 1-22.
Ibid.
Ibid.
See Gary Foley, ‘Black Power in Redfern 1968-72’, 2001 http://www.kooriweb.org/foley/essays/essay_1.html
Gary Foley, Andrew Schaap, Edwina Howell, The Aboriginal Tent Embassy: Sovereignty, Black Power, Land Rights and the State (New York: Routledge, 2016).
Ibid.
Generally, the trades and labour councils, waterfront and mining workers unions.
On current analytics of differences see Iyko Day, “Being or Nothingness: Indigeneity, Antiblackness, and Settler Colonial Critique,” Critical Ethnic Studies, 1, Iss. 2, (2018), 102-122.
Of relevance here is the first ACP document laid out in 1931, the “Communist Party’s Fight for Aborigines: Draft Programme of Struggle Against Slavery,” which included a call for the abolition of all forms of ‘forced labour; equal wages; abolition of the Aboriginal Protection Boards . . . capitalism’s slave recruiting agencies and terror organisations; the release of Aboriginal prisoners; the institution of Aboriginal juries for cases involving Aboriginal people; the restoration of Central, Northern and N-W Australia to form independent Aboriginal republics; and the development of Aboriginal culture.’ As Boughton notes, the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) would later reproduce the entire policy in a secret 1962 briefing paper, “Communist Party of Australia Policy and Penetration in Australian Aboriginal Activities and Organisations,” which drew ‘particular attention to the demand which called for: The handing over to the aborigines of large tracts of watered and fertile country, with towns, seaports, railways, roads, etc., to become one or more independent aboriginal states or republics. The handing back to the aborigines of all Central, Northern and North West Australia to enable the aborigines to develop their native pursuits. These aboriginal republics to be independent of Australia or other foreign powers. To have the right to make treaties with foreign powers, including Australia, establish their own army, governments, industries, and in every way be independent of imperialism.’ ASIO also noted the important link, theoretically and practically, between the Comintern ‘line’ on the Aboriginal struggle and the anticolonial struggle in New Guinea. In Bob Boughton, “The Communist Party of Australia’s Involvement in the Struggle for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples’ Rights, 1920-1970,” in Labour and Community: Historical Essays. R. Markey. (Wollongong: University of Wollongong Press, 2001) 263-294.
Bob Boughton, “The Communist Party of Australia’s Involvement in the Struggle for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples’ Rights, 1920-1970,” in Labour and Community: Historical Essays. R. Markey. (Wollongong: University of Wollongong Press, 2001) 263-294.
Ibid.
See Geoffrey Gray, A Cautious Silence: The Politics of Australian Anthropology (Canberra: Aboriginal Studies Press, 2007).
Denise Ferreira da Silva, Towards a Global Idea of Race (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2007).
Elizabeth A. Povinelli, The Cunning of Recognition: Indigenous Alterities and the Making of Australian Multiculturalism (Durham, N.C.: Duke: University Press, 2002).
Irene Watson, Raw law (Abington: Routledge, 2015).
Robert Cover, “Nomos and Narrative,” Issues in Legal Scholarship, 6, Iss. 1 (Jan 2006).
Bronwyn Lay, Juris Materiarum: Empires of Earth, Soil and Dirt (New York: Atropos Press, 2016).
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1975_Australian_constitutional_crisis
See my collaborative take with Danny Butt on the colonial legacies of artistic autonomy in the neoliberal era of global art here: https://joaap.org/issue10/oriellybutt.htm
Denise Ferreira da Silva, “The Global Matrix and the Predicament of ‘Postmodernisms’: An Introduction to the Critique of Kulturkampf,” Seton Hall Law Review, 35, Iss. 4 (2006): 1281-1298.
Spivak marks universal socialism’s failures in its refusal to deal with requirements for training this aesthetic, inherently comparativist dimension of political imagination. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization. Cambridge (London: Harvard University Press. 2012).
Jelena Vesić, “The Annual Summit of Non-Aligned Art Historians,” in Extending the Dialogue: Essays by Igor Zabel Award Laureates, Grant Recipients, and Jury Members, 2008–2014, (Berlin: Archive Books; Vienna: ERSTE Foundation, 2016).
Ibid.
Bourriaud and Beltings’ very different propositions for (alter)modernity and non-hierarchical global art are addressed in Extending the Dialogue: Essays by Igor Zabel Award Laureates, Grant Recipients, and Jury Members, 2008–2014, (Berlin: Archive Books; Vienna: ERSTE Foundation, 2016).
Among the European philosophers, Michel Serres’ The Natural Contract, trans. Elizabeth MacArthur and William Paulson (Michigan: University of Michigan Press, (1989/1995), articulated the necessity of a wholesale ‘cast off’ of modernist relations of science and (im)material Western law to the non-human world.
Jelena Vesić, “The Annual Summit of Non-Aligned Art Historians,” in Extending the Dialogue: Essays by Igor Zabel Award Laureates, Grant Recipients, and Jury Members, 2008–2014, (Berlin: Archive Books; Vienna: ERSTE Foundation, 2016).
Denise Ferreira da Silva, “The Global Matrix and the Predicament of ‘Postmodernisms’: An Introduction to the Critique of Kulturkampf,” Seton Hall Law Review, 35, Iss. 4 (2006): 1281-1298.
Diese Rahmung ist geprägt von Denise Ferreira da Silva, “The Global Matrix and the Predicament of ‘Postmodernisms’: An Introduction to the Critique of Kulturkampf,” Seton Hall Law Review, 35, Iss. 4 (2006): 1281-1298.
Zur Geschichte der Nuklearkraft in Afrika siehe Gabrielle Hecht, Being Nuclear: Africans and the Global Uranium Trade (Massachusetts: MIT Press, 2012).
Siehe Adam Broinowski, ‘Nuclear Power and Oil Capital in the Long Twentieth Century’, in Materialism and the Critique of Energy, eds. Brent Ryan Bellamy and Jeff Diamanti (Chicago: MCM Publishing, 2018), 197-242.
Broinowski, ‘Nuclear Power and Oil Capital in the Long Twentieth Century’
Elizabeth A. Povinelli, The Cunning of Recognition: Indigenous Alterities and the Making of Australian Multiculturalism (Durham, N.C.: Duke: University Press, 2002).
Die Ausstellung Ex-Embassy benutzt hier die territoriale Beschreibung der Landmasse Australiens, so wie sie in der DDR verwendet wurde.
Siehe Michael Pusey, Economic Rationalism in Canberra: A Nation Building State Changes Its Mind (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).
John Maynard zählt Tom Lacey, Fred Maynard und Sid Ridgeway als Aborigine Männer auf, die nachweislich mit der CPA verkehrten. Siehe sein Text “‘In the interests of our people’: the influence of Garveyism on the rise of Australian Aboriginal political activism,” Aboriginal History, Vol. 29 (2005), 1-22.
Ebd.
Ebd.
Siehe Gary Foley, ‘Black Power in Redfern 1968-72’, 2001: http://www.kooriweb.org/foley/essays/essay_1.html
Gary Foley, Andrew Schaap, Edwina Howell, The Aboriginal Tent Embassy: Sovereignty, Black Power, Land Rights and the State (New York: Routledge, 2016).
Ebd.
Im Allgemeinen die Handels- und Arbeiterverbände und die Hafen- und Bergbauarbeitergewerkschaften.
Zur aktuellen Analyse der Unterschiede siehe Iyko Day, “Being or Nothingness: Indigeneity, Antiblackness, and Settler Colonial Critique,” Critical Ethnic Studies, 1, Iss. 2, (2018), 102-122.
Von Bedeutung ist hier das erste AKP-Dokument aus dem Jahr 1931, der “Kampf der Kommunistischen Partei für die Aborigines: Entwurf eines Programms zum Kampf gegen die Sklaverei” [“Communist Party’s Fight for Aborigines: Draft Programme of Struggle Against Slavery”], das folgendes fordert: die Abschaffung aller Formen von “Zwangsarbeit, gleiche Löhne, die Abschaffung der ‘Aboriginal Protection Boards’ (Vorstände, siehe https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aboriginal_Protection_Board) – ‘kapitalistische Sklavenrekrutierungsagenturen und Terrororganisationen’ -, die Freilassung aller Aborigine-Häftlinge, die Einrichtung von Aborigine-Jurys für juristische Fälle, an denen Aborigines beteiligt sind, die Wiederherstellung und Bildung unabhängiger Aborigine-Republiken in Zentral-, Nord- und Nord-West-Australien, die die Entwicklung der Aborigine-Kultur” fördern. Wie Boughton feststellt, hat der Australische Sicherheitsdienst (ASIO) später die gesamte Politik in einem geheimen Briefing-Papier von 1962 wiedergeben: “Die Kommunistische Partei Australiens – Politik und Durchdringung von Aktivitäten und Organisationen der australischen Aborigines” [“Communist Party of Australia Policy and Penetration in Australian Aboriginal Activities and Organisations”], die “besondere Aufmerksamkeit auf folgende Forderung lenkt: Die Übergabe großer Teile des bewässerten und fruchtbaren Landes mit Städten, Seehäfen, Eisenbahnen, Straßen usw. an die Aborigines, um ein oder mehrere unabhängige Ureinwohnerstaaten oder -republiken zu bilden. Die Rückgabe ganz Zentral-, Nord- und Nordwestaustralien an die Aborigines, um den Aborigines die Möglichkeit zu geben, ihre einheimischen Interessen zu entwickeln. Diese Ureinwohnerrepubliken sollen unabhängig von Australien oder anderen ausländischen Mächten sein. Sie sollen das Recht haben, Verträge mit ausländischen Mächten, einschließlich Australien, zu schließen, ihre eigene Armee, Regierungen, Industrien zu gründen und in jeder Hinsicht unabhängig vom Imperialismus zu sein.” Die ASIO stellte auch die wichtige Verbindung zwischen der “Komintern-Linie‘ zum Aborigine-Kampf und dem antikolonialen Kampf in Neuguinea fest. — In Bob Boughton, “The Communist Party of Australia’s Involvement in the Struggle for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples’ Rights, 1920-1970,” in Labour and Community: Historical Essays. R. Markey. (Wollongong: University of Wollongong Press, 2001) 263-294.
Bob Boughton, “The Communist Party of Australia’s Involvement in the Struggle for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples’ Rights, 1920-1970,” in Labour and Community: Historical Essays. R. Markey. (Wollongong: University of Wollongong Press, 2001) 263-294.
Streitaktionen
Boughton, “The Communist Party of Australia’s Involvement in the Struggle for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples’ Rights, 1920-1970.”
Siehe Geoffrey Gray, A Cautious Silence: The Politics of Australian Anthropology (Canberra: Aboriginal Studies Press, 2007).
Denise Ferreira da Silva, Towards a Global Idea of Race (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2007).
Elizabeth A. Povinelli, The Cunning of Recognition: Indigenous Alterities and the Making of Australian Multiculturalism (Durham, N.C.: Duke: University Press, 2002).
Irene Watson, Raw law (Abington: Routledge, 2015).
Robert Cover, “Nomos and Narrative,” Issues in Legal Scholarship, 6, Iss. 1 (Jan 2006).
Bronwyn Lay, Juris Materiarum: Empires of Earth, Soil and Dirt (New York: Atropos Press, 2016).
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1975_Australian_constitutional_crisis
Siehe meine Zusammenarbeit mit Danny Butt über die kolonialen Hinterlassenschaften der künstlerischen Autonomie in der neoliberalen Ära der globalen Kunst, hier: https://joaap.org/issue10/oriellybutt.htm
Denise Ferreira da Silva, “The Global Matrix and the Predicament of ‘Postmodernisms’: An Introduction to the Critique of Kulturkampf,” Seton Hall Law Review, 35, Iss. 4 (2006): 1281-1298.
Spivak markiert das Versagen des universellen Sozialismus in seiner Weigerung, sich mit den Anforderungen an die Ausbildung dieser ästhetischen, inhärent vergleichenden Dimension der politischen Imagination auseinanderzusetzen. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization. Cambridge (London: Harvard University Press. 2012).
Jelena Vesić, “The Annual Summit of Non-Aligned Art Historians,” in Extending the Dialogue: Essays by Igor Zabel Award Laureates, Grant Recipients, and Jury Members, 2008–2014, (Berlin: Archive Books; Vienna: ERSTE Foundation, 2016).
Ibid.
Bourriaud und Beltings’ sehr unterschiedliche Vorschläge für eine (andere) Moderne und nicht-hierarchische globale Kunst werden behandelt in Extending the Dialogue: Essays by Igor Zabel Award Laureates, Grant Recipients, and Jury Members, 2008–2014, (Berlin: Archive Books; Vienna: ERSTE Foundation, 2016).
Unter den europäischen Philosophen artikulierte Michel Serres’ The Natural Contract, trans. Elizabeth MacArthur and William Paulson (Michigan: University of Michigan Press, (1989), der erstmals 1989 veröffentlicht wurde, die Notwendigkeit einer umfassenden Ablehnung modernistischer Beziehungen zu den Wissenschaften und zum (im)materiellen westlichen Recht mit der nichtmenschlichen Welt.
Jelena Vesić, “The Annual Summit of Non-Aligned Art Historians,” in Extending the Dialogue: Essays by Igor Zabel Award Laureates, Grant Recipients, and Jury Members, 2008–2014, (Berlin: Archive Books; Vienna: ERSTE Foundation, 2016).
Denise Ferreira da Silva, “The Global Matrix and the Predicament of ‘Postmodernisms’: An Introduction to the Critique of Kulturkampf,” Seton Hall Law Review, 35, Iss. 4 (2006): 1281-1298.
Ebd.